Daniel R. DePetris

NATO seems to be devoting more of its bandwidth on Asia, when its original purpose, deterring threats to Europe, is as relevant today as it has ever been since the Soviet Union's collapse more than 30 years ago.

Could U.S. aid indirectly lessen the burden on Taliban officials? Most likely. But punishing the Afghan people for the sins of their rulers was never going to be a better alternative.

Whether U.S. and European sanctions will have their desired effect depends on one man: Vladimir Putin.

Even with such a high rate of casualties and the Russians progressing on a slow advance, the Ukrainian government is no mood to talk peace.

As the war proceeds and the sanctions begin to impact consumers in the West, the coalition against Russia is bound to experience internal fractures over policy and strategy.

It's easy to understand why Kissinger's remarks produced such scorn.

The main problem with Washington's relations with Riyadh isn't the fact that the U.S. is engaging with the kingdom—it's that Washington too often makes the mistake of equating U.S. interests with Saudi interests.

NATO's enlargement comes with inherent and unavoidable risk.

Whatever Russian President Vladimir Putin decides, Russia will be weaker and less wealthy as a result.

If Yoon Suk-yeol successfully navigates the turbulent waters of geopolitics in Asia, then he could be remembered as one of South Korea's most transformative presidents.

Today, with U.S. forces no longer carrying Afghanistan on their shoulders, the responsibility is now thrusted onto Kabul's own neighbors, who have far more at stake in Afghanistan's stability than the U.S. ever did.

Is there any middle ground available?

The politics surrounding peace are more difficult to navigate when the enemy is wantonly killing civilians in the most gruesome ways imaginable, since no politician or leader wants to be depicted as weak-kneed or caving into pressure.

A gargantuan defense budget doesn't necessarily buy the American people more security.

In the big picture, helping the combatants save face through a mutually-acceptable agreement to end the war is a more important priority than tanking the Russian economy or bogging down Russian forces in the field.

Despite what you may hear, the war in Ukraine doesn't bolster the image of a world characterized by a democracy versus autocracy death match. If anything, it undermines it.

The task for Ukraine's friends is clear: lean on the stick and hope Russian President Vladimir Putin becomes a new man, or give Russia the opportunity to climb-down from what is turning out to be a major geopolitical mistake.

Russia does have one card to play: China.

If this conflict is to recede peacefully, Ukraine, with the encouragement of the U.S. and Europe, has no choice but to come to the negotiating table with the very man who authorized a war against it.

The U.N. is only as effective as the ability of those states to cooperate in pursuit of a common objective.

U.S. sanctions announcements are nothing but an exercise in virtue signaling.

If the U.S. wants North Korea to cease and desist from missile tests, it needs to have the fortitude to negotiate a cap on them.

Those tying Afghanistan and Ukraine today are making the same mistake as those who attempted to link Syria to Ukraine eight years ago, connecting two totally different circumstances.

Policymakers in Washington insist the U.S. is turning the page from the post-9/11 era. The Biden administration has started the process in its first year.

Those who sprinkle negativity over negotiations or oppose them altogether are usually the loudest ones in the room.

As far as the United States military is concerned, the men and women in uniform have done their job. It's time to acknowledge success and bring them home.

Washington and Europe don't want to be in a position where their troops are facing off against a nuclear-armed Russia, something Ukraine's incorporation into NATO would enable practically overnight.

Rather than isolating the Taliban government in perpetuity, U.S. officials should be explicit during their conversations with Taliban ministers.

There has been a reduction in the U.S. force posture in the Middle East, even if it isn't yet accompanied by a change in underlying strategy as some would like.

While there may come a point in time when U.S. and European officials conclude Iran is unwilling to budge from its maximalist position, now is not that time.